A Game of Thrones Chapter Forty-nine

Eddard The grey light of dawn was streaming through his window when the thunder of hoofbeats awoke Eddard Stark from his brief, exhausted sleep. He lifted his head from the table to look down into the yard. Below, men in mail and leather and crimson cloaks were making the morning ring to the sound of swords, and riding down mock warriors stuffed with straw. Ned watched Sandor Clegane gallop across the hard-packed ground to drive an iron-tipped lance through a dummy's head. Canvas ripped and straw exploded as Lannister guardsmen joked and cursed. Is this brave show for my benefit? he wondered. If so, Cersei was a greater fool than he'd imagined. Damn her, he thought, why is the woman not fled? I have given her chance after chance . . . The morning was overcast and grim. Ned broke his fast with his daughters and Septa Mordane. Sansa, still disconsolate, stared sullenly at her food and refused to eat, but Arya wolfed down everything that was set in front of her. â€Å"Syrio says we have time for one last lesson before we take ship this evening,† she said. â€Å"Can I, Father? All my things are packed.† â€Å"A short lesson, and make certain you leave yourself time to bathe and change. I want you ready to leave by midday, is that understood?† â€Å"By midday,† Arya said. Sansa looked up from her food. â€Å"If she can have a dancing lesson, why won't you let me say farewell to Prince Joffrey?† â€Å"I would gladly go with her, Lord Eddard,† Septa Mordane offered. â€Å"There would be no question of her missing the ship.† â€Å"It would not be wise for you to go to Joffrey right now, Sansa. I'm sorry.† Sansa's eyes filled with tears. â€Å"But why?† â€Å"Sansa, your lord father knows best,† Septa Mordane said. â€Å"You are not to question his decisions.† â€Å"It's not fair!† Sansa pushed back from her table, knocked over her chair, and ran weeping from the solar. Septa Mordane rose, but Ned gestured her back to her seat. â€Å"Let her go, Septa. I will try to make her understand when we are all safely back in Winterfell.† The septa bowed her head and sat down to finish her breakfast. It was an hour later when Grand Maester Pycelle came to Eddard Stark in his solar. His shoulders slumped, as if the weight of the great maester's chain around his neck had become too great to bear. â€Å"My lord,† he said, â€Å"King Robert is gone. The gods give him rest.† â€Å"No,† Ned answered. â€Å"He hated rest. The gods give him love and laughter, and the joy of righteous battle.† It was strange how empty he felt. He had been expecting the visit, and yet with those words, something died within him. He would have given all his titles for the freedom to weep . . . but he was Robert's Hand, and the hour he dreaded had come. â€Å"Be so good as to summon the members of the council here to my solar,† he told Pycelle. The Tower of the Hand was as secure as he and Tomard could make it; he could not say the same for the council chambers. â€Å"My lord?† Pycelle blinked. â€Å"Surely the affairs of the kingdom will keep till the morrow, when our grief is not so fresh.† Ned was quiet but firm. â€Å"I fear we must convene at once.† Pycelle bowed. â€Å"As the Hand commands.† He called his servants and sent them running, then gratefully accepted Ned's offer of a chair and a cup of sweet beer. Ser Barristan Selmy was the first to answer the summons, immaculate in white cloak and enameled scales. â€Å"My lords,† he said, â€Å"my place is beside the young king now. Pray give me leave to attend him.† â€Å"Your place is here, Ser Barristan,† Ned told him. Littlefinger came next, still garbed in the blue velvets and silver mockingbird cape he had worn the night previous, his boots dusty from riding. â€Å"My lords,† he said, smiling at nothing in particular before he turned to Ned. â€Å"That little task you set me is accomplished, Lord Eddard.† Varys entered in a wash of lavender, pink from his bath, his plump face scrubbed and freshly powdered, his soft slippers all but soundless. â€Å"The little birds sing a grievous song today,† he said as he seated himself. â€Å"The realm weeps. Shall we begin?† â€Å"When Lord Renly arrives,† Ned said. Varys gave him a sorrowful look. â€Å"I fear Lord Renly has left the city.† â€Å"Left the city?† Ned had counted on Renly's support. â€Å"He took his leave through a postern gate an hour before dawn, accompanied by Ser Loras Tyrell and some fifty retainers,† Varys told them. â€Å"When last seen, they were galloping south in some haste, no doubt bound for Storm's End or Highgarden.† So much for Renly and his hundred swords. Ned did not like the smell of that, but there was nothing to be done for it. He drew out Robert's last letter. â€Å"The king called me to his side last night and commanded me to record his final words. Lord Renly and Grand Maester Pycelle stood witness as Robert sealed the letter, to be opened by the council after his death. Ser Barristan, if you would be so kind?† The Lord Commander of the Kingsguard examined the paper. â€Å"King Robert's seal, and unbroken.† He opened the letter and read. â€Å"Lord Eddard Stark is herein named Protector of the Realm, to rule as regent until the heir comes of age.† And as it happens, he is of age, Ned reflected, but he did not give voice to the thought. He trusted neither Pycelle nor Varys, and Ser Barristan was honor-bound to protect and defend the boy he thought his new king. The old knight would not abandon Joffrey easily. The need for deceit was a bitter taste in his mouth, but Ned knew he must tread softly here, must keep his counsel and play the game until he was firmly established as regent. There would be time enough to deal with the succession when Arya and Sansa were safely back in Winterfell, and Lord Stannis had returned to King's Landing with all his power. â€Å"I would ask this council to confirm me as Lord Protector, as Robert wished,† Ned said, watching their faces, wondering what thoughts hid behind Pycelle's half-closed eyes, Littlefinger's lazy half-smile, and the nervous flutter of Varys's fingers. The door opened. Fat Tom stepped into the solar. â€Å"Pardon, my lords, the king's steward insists . . . â€Å" The royal steward entered and bowed. â€Å"Esteemed lords, the king demands the immediate presence of his small council in the throne room.† Ned had expected Cersei to strike quickly; the summons came as no surprise. â€Å"The king is dead,† he said, â€Å"but we shall go with you nonetheless. Tom, assemble an escort, if you would.† Littlefinger gave Ned his arm to help him down the steps. Varys, Pycelle, and Ser Barristan followed close behind. A double column of men-at-arms in chainmail and steel helms was waiting outside the tower, eight strong. Grey cloaks snapped in the wind as the guardsmen marched them across the yard. There was no Lannister crimson to be seen, but Ned was reassured by the number of gold cloaks visible on the ramparts and at the gates. Janos Slynt met them at the door to the throne room, armored in ornate black-and-gold plate, with a high-crested helm under one arm. The Commander bowed stiffly. His men pushed open the great oaken doors, twenty feet tall and banded with bronze. The royal steward led them in. â€Å"All hail His Grace, Joffrey of the Houses Baratheon and Lannister, the First of his Name, King of the Andals and the Rhoynar and the First Men, Lord of the Seven Kingdoms and Protector of the Realm,† he sang out. It was a long walk to the far end of the hall, where Joffrey waited atop the Iron Throne. Supported by Littlefinger, Ned Stark slowly limped and hopped toward the boy who called himself king. The others followed. The first time he had come this way, he had been on horseback, sword in hand, and the Targaryen dragons had watched from the walls as he forced Jaime Lannister down from the throne. He wondered if Joffrey would step down quite so easily. Five knights of the Kingsguard—all but Ser Jaime and Ser Barristan—were arrayed in a crescent around the base of the throne. They were in full armor, enameled steel from helm to heel, long pale cloaks over their shoulders, shining white shields strapped to their left arms. Cersei Lannister and her two younger children stood behind Ser Boros and Ser Meryn. The queen wore a gown of sea-green silk, trimmed with Myrish lace as pale as foam. On her finger was a golden ring with an emerald the size of a pigeon's egg, on her head a matching tiara. Above them, Prince Joffrey sat amidst the barbs and spikes in a cloth-of-gold doublet and a red satin cape. Sandor Clegane was stationed at the foot of the throne's steep narrow stair. He wore mail and soot-grey plate and his snarling dog's-head helm. Behind the throne, twenty Lannister guardsmen waited with longswords hanging from their belts. Crimson cloaks draped their shoulders and steel lions crested their helms. But Littlefinger had kept his promise; all along the walls, in front of Robert's tapestries with their scenes of hunt and battle, the gold-cloaked ranks of the City Watch stood stiffly to attention, each man's hand clasped around the haft of an eight-foot-long spear tipped in black iron. They outnumbered the Lannisters five to one. Ned's leg was a blaze of pain by the time he stopped. He kept a hand on Littlefinger's shoulder to help support his weight. Joffrey stood. His red satin cape was patterned in gold thread; fifty roaring lions to one side, fifty prancing stags to the other. â€Å"I command the council to make all the necessary arrangements for my coronation,† the boy proclaimed. â€Å"I wish to be crowned within the fortnight. Today I shall accept oaths of fealty from my loyal councillors.† Ned produced Robert's letter. â€Å"Lord Varys, be so kind as to show this to my lady of Lannister.† The eunuch carried the letter to Cersei. The queen glanced at the words. â€Å"Protector of the Realm,† she read. â€Å"Is this meant to be your shield, my lord? A piece of paper?† She ripped the letter in half, ripped the halves in quarters, and let the pieces flutter to the floor. â€Å"Those were the king's words,† Ser Barristan said, shocked. â€Å"We have a new king now,† Cersei Lannister replied. â€Å"Lord Eddard, when last we spoke, you gave me some counsel. Allow me to return the courtesy. Bend the knee, my lord. Bend the knee and swear fealty to my son, and we shall allow you to step down as Hand and live out your days in the grey waste you call home.† â€Å"Would that I could,† Ned said grimly. If she was so determined to force the issue here and now, she left him no choice. â€Å"Your son has no claim to the throne he sits. Lord Stannis is Robert's true heir.† â€Å"Liar!† Joffrey screamed, his face reddening. â€Å"Mother, what does he mean?† Princess Myrcella asked the queen plaintively. â€Å"Isn't Joff the king now?† â€Å"You condemn yourself with your own mouth, Lord Stark,† said Cersei Lannister. â€Å"Ser Barristan, seize this traitor.† The Lord Commander of the Kingsguard hesitated. In the blink of an eye he was surrounded by Stark guardsmen, bare steel in their mailed fists. â€Å"And now the treason moves from words to deeds,† Cersei said. â€Å"Do you think Ser Barristan stands alone, my lord?† With an ominous rasp of metal on metal, the Hound drew his longsword. The knights of the Kingsguard and twenty Lannister guardsmen in crimson cloaks moved to support him. â€Å"Kill him!† the boy king screamed down from the Iron Throne. â€Å"Kill all of them, I command it!† â€Å"You leave me no choice,† Ned told Cersei Lannister. He called out to Janos Slynt. â€Å"Commander, take the queen and her children into custody. Do them no harm, but escort them back to the royal apartments and keep them there, under guard.† â€Å"Men of the Watch!† Janos Slynt shouted, donning his helm. A hundred gold cloaks leveled their spears and closed. â€Å"I want no bloodshed,† Ned told the queen. â€Å"Tell your men to lay down their swords, and no one need—† With a single sharp thrust, the nearest gold cloak drove his spear into Tomard's back. Fat Tom's blade dropped from nerveless fingers as the wet red point burst out through his ribs, piercing leather and mail. He was dead before his sword hit the floor. Ned's shout came far too late. Janos Slynt himself slashed open Varly's throat. Cayn whirled, steel flashing, drove back the nearest spearman with a flurry of blows; for an instant it looked as though he might cut his way free. Then the Hound was on him. Sandor Clegane's first cut took off Cayn's sword hand at the wrist; his second drove him to his knees and opened him from shoulder to breastbone. As his men died around him, Littlefinger slid Ned's dagger from its sheath and shoved it up under his chin. His smile was apologetic. â€Å"I did warn you not to trust me, you know.†

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Obesity Amongst Mexican Children Essay Abstract: The prevalence of overweight children in the United States of Mexican descent is higher for second generation than their first generation counterparts. First generation immigrants tend to keep a healthier lifestyle by consuming more fresh fruits and vegetables, walking longer distances and smoking less than the more acculturated Mexican-Americans. Acculturation is a major contributing factor for the alarming rates of obesity within Mexican children. When children of Mexican immigrants are exposed to American society, they develop unhealthy habits such as eating pizza and hot dogs during school lunch hours, access to vending machines, and media exposure where they are constantly bombarded with food related commercials of unhealthy nature. A lower socio-economic status, such as the recently immigrated parents, is also a contributing factor for obesity within Mexican children. 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(Rojas,R, Aguilar-Salinas, C. , Jimenez, A. , Gomez, F. , Barquera, S. , 2012, p. 8) In the last two decades, the prevalence of childhood obesity, defined as at or above the 95th percentile of body mass index (BMI) for age and gender (Center for Disease Control, 2009), has more than doubled among children aged 6–11 years and tripled among adolescents aged 12–19 years, and here is no evidence that this trend is coming to an end (Ogden, 2002). This is a serious public health concern because obese children and adolescents are at an increased risk for various physical, mental, and emotional health problems, including impaired glucose tolerance , insulin resistance, atherosclerosis , coronary heart disease in adulthood , development of eating disorders, and low self-esteem (Seo, D. Sa, J. , 2009). The obesity epidemic disproportionately affects racial/ethnic minority children, who are defined as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian American, Black, African American, Hispanic, Latino, Native Hawaiian, or OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 3 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? other Pacific Islander (CDC, 2009). According to estimates based on the 2001–2002 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), among children aged 6–19 years, 22. 2% of Mexican American children and 20. 5% of non-Hispanic Blacks were obese as compared with only 13. 6% of non-Hispanic whites. Other studies performed by Ogden and colleagues (2002) also affirm a larger prevalence of obesity among Mexican American and Black children compared with white children. These rates of obesity are far from the 2010 national health objective of Healthy People 2010. The higher incidence of obesity among minority children is alarming because these racial/ethnic groups have a lower insulin sensitivity than white children (Seo, D, Sa, J. 2009). Obesity is an epidemic facing millions of people across the globe, resulting in more than 300,000 deaths in the United States alone (Dishman, 2004). Historically, the majority of people affected by obesity were adults. However, in the last decade this epidemic has spread to our youth. Excess weight in U. S. children has increased in prevalence and has become a serious public health concern. Currently, about 33% of children ages 2–5 in the U. S. are overweight (BMI in the 85th percentile or above), and 12% are considered obese (BMI in the 95th percentile or above) (CDC, 2009). Overweight children have a 70–80% chance of becoming overweight or obese adults, which may lead to an increase in obesity related disease among adults (United States Department of Human Health and Services, 2007). Obesity is one of the leading risk factors for disease and fatal health conditions, such as hypertension, type II diabetes, coronary heart disease, stroke, gallbladder disease, osteoarthritis, sleep apnea and respiratory problems, and some cancers (CDC, 2009). Not only is obesity linked to clinical conditions, but it may also lead to mental health problems such as self-blame and low self-esteem ( Haboush, A., Phebus, T. , Tanata Ashby, D. , Zaikina-Montgomery, H. , Kindig, K. , 2011). This paper will focus on the contributing factors for the alarming obesity rates amongst Mexican children. Are second generation Mexican children more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts? Mexican immigrant parents usually don’t view obesity as a threatening health issue. In fact, some research reports that Mexican mothers see childhood obesity as a sign of good heath (Rosas et al. ) and thinness as a sigh of illness (Sosa, 2012). Acculturation, or the process of adjusting to a new culture, describes social, psychological, and behavioral changes that an individual undergoes as result of immigration (Buttenheim, A. , Pebley, A. , Hsih, K. , Chung, C. , Goldman, N. , 2012). The drastic changes in lifestyle and social interactions that immigrants encounter upon arriving to the United States often put them at risk for negative health consequences (Ogden et al. , 2009). Of the negative health outcomes associated with OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 4 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?acculturation in Mexican children, obesity is significant because it has implications for development of chronic diseases such as heart disease and Type II Diabetes (CDC, 2009). Mexican children are at increased risk for obesity upon immigration to the United States and are predisposed to development of chronic diseases,(Buscemi, J. , Beech, B. , Relyea, G. , 2011). Mexican American mothers’ views on obesity, 40% of mothers with overweight children did not identify overweight as a health issue (Ariza et al. , 2004). When weight was used as an indicator of health, parents were more concerned with the health of skinny children than overweight children. Mexican American mothers were concerned with having thin children because a thin child could become sick and die (Small, L. , Melnyk, B. , Anderson-Gifford, D. , Hampl, J. 2009). A second and less studied mechanism linking nativity of US immigrants to obesity risk is the interconnectedness of the food environment and migration dynamics in the sending country (Buttenheim et al. , 2012). This is particularly relevant in the case of obesity risk for Mexican-origin children in the US, given the large, circular migration flows between the two countries and the well-documented nutrition transition underway in Mexico (Popkin Udry, 1998). This transition is characterized by a shift from unprocessed and low energy density diets to highly processed, energy dense foods. The transition is due in part to new food marketing strategies and a simultaneous decrease in physical activity that has accompanied urbanization and economic development in Mexico (Popkin Udry, 1998). Mexico’s nutrition transition has been notably rapid: Mexico now has the second highest rates of adult obesity among OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries (after the US) (Rosas, 2011). A potential explanation for the increased obesity rates within the Mexican immigrants in the US is acculturative stress (Van Hook et al. , 2011). Mexican-origin immigrants, are often faced with discrimination based on race/ethnicity and immigrant status. This discrimination, in turn, leads to chronic stress and psycho-physiological stress responses, which are known to affect health over the long run . Thus, the process of integration into a society that views Mexican-origin immigrants as being of lower status than other social and racial/ethnic groups may itself result in chronic health problems, even if health behaviors remain constant over time and across immigrant generation. Why would duration of time in the US and immigrant generation affect obesity? The acculturation literature has emphasized the importance of dietary changes by duration in the US and across generation: increased acculturation is hypothesized to lead to decreased consumption of healthy foods and increased consumption of processed high OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 5 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? fat/sugar foods. Gordon-Larsen et al. (2003) reported that first generation Mexican immigrant adolescents eat more rice, beans, fruit, and vegetables and less cheese and fast food than second generation Mexican-origin immigrants. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) say that acculturation seems to be a contributing factor for obesity amongst Mexican children. Acculturation can be defined as the process by which immigrants adopt the attitudes, values, customs, beliefs, and behaviors of a new culture. Two studies reported their findings on acculturation and potential implications on the nutritional status of Mexican American children. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) concluded that less acculturated mothers were more likely to provide alternate food choices when a child would not eat and use child-feeding strategies that may contribute to childhood overweight, such as bribes, threats, and punishment. Ariza, Chen, Binns, and Christoffel (2004) conducted a study to test their hypothesis that overweight was more prevalent in highly acculturated Mexican American children aged 5 to 6 years; however, the results did not substantiate an association between overweight and acculturation in this population. Duerksen and colleagues (2007) reported that increased levels of acculturation may lead to higher rates of overweight among Mexican American families if they were eating more meals at fast-food and buffet-style restaurants rather than selecting traditional, authentic Mexican restaurants. Studies indicated that less acculturated Mexican Americans consumed less fat, and more fiber, protein, vitamins A, C, E and B6, folate, calcium, potassium, and magnesium than their more acculturated counterparts (Rosas et al. 2011). Most research conducted across age groups and outcomes indicates that newly-arrived and less acculturated immigrants are healthier and live longer than natives. Unfortunately, this health advantage dissipates with duration of U. S. residence and does not extend to the next generation. In addition to the influence of parents’ acculturation on children’s behaviors, children can accelerate the acculturation process for their families as well because children are more likely to have a consistent exposure to typical American foods at school and likely to affect purchasing decisions of their parents. One of the biggest changes in children’s diets after moving to the United States has been suggested to be with the foods children consume at school. It has been reported that although Mexican American children liked the traditional ethnic foods they received at home, they preferred the American foods they were served at school (e.g. , pizza, hamburgers) (Rosas et al. 2011). Furthermore, there seemed to be a lack of awareness among children about the healthfulness of traditional Mexican foods (such as fruits, vegetables, and beans) or potential health risks of the typical American diet, which was perceived as pizza, hotdogs, hamburgers, and French fries. As children develop their own self and ethnic identities, they may seek separation from their parents and acceptance from their peers, and they may identify fast food and other less healthful food options with the United States culture. This can eventually lead to less healthful dietary patterns both for children and their families because children are likely to affect food-purchasing OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 6 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? decisions in their households (Rosas et al. 2011). When looking into the influence of acculturation on food intake behaviors among children and youths, another important element of the social environment must be addressed: media exposure. Media exposure can have detrimental influences at both ends of the spectrum in terms of eating behaviors: children may adopt an unrealistically thin body image through exposure to popular culture, and unhealthy dieting practices or eating disorders may follow. Alternatively, they may increase their consumption of nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods that they are exposed to through advertisements, and this type of behavior may eventually lead to overweight status. There have been some initiatives to limit food marketing aiming at children, but nutritionally poor and energy dense foods (e.g. , high sugar cereals, candy, soft drinks, chips) still constitute the majority of the foods advertised on television (Kunkel et al. 2009). Several reports indicate that children choose advertised foods at significantly higher rates and attempt to influence their parents to purchase these foods. Unfortunately, advertisement of the nutritionally inferior food choices is not limited to television only; it is widespread through a variety of channels such as schools (vending machines, corporate sponsorship of school events and materials, etc. ), and online applications(e.g. , interactive games, sweepstakes, computer screensavers). Media exposure among children has been increasing over the past 10 years, and according to the 2009 estimates (Kunkel et al. 2009). American children spend about 7. 4 hours per day using or watching media such as television, computers, video games or movies. These estimates seem to be even higher among minorities) and individuals with lower socio economical status( SES) (Sussner et al. 2009). Hispanic youths were reported to spend about 5. 5 hours per day watching television while this estimate was 3. 5 hours per day for non-Hispanic whites in 2009. Moreover, screen time seems to increase with greater acculturation (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). The data from the 2003–04 National Survey of Children’s Health indicated that, in comparison to U. S. -born non-Hispanic white children with U. S. -born parents, foreign-born Hispanic children with immigrant parents were 31 percent more likely and U. S. -born Hispanic children with U. S. -born parents were 51 percent more likely to watch television. Although foreign-born Hispanics seem to be less likely to consume less healthful foods (Osypuk et al.2009), a reverse trend can be seen if these foods are more expensive in the country of origin but cheaper in the United States. For example, qualitative studies indicated that lower cost and increased availability were among the reasons for Mexican Americans to consume snacks, sweets, and fast food more in the United States . An earlier report pointed out that some foods, such as mayonnaise, margarine, and salad dressing were considered high-status items by many low-income families in Latin America (Romero-Gwynn et al. 1993). Similarly, Mexican adults living in Florida reported that in addition to fast food not being as readily available in their native country, it was more expensive than in the United States and therefore, they tended to eat fast food only for special occasions in their native OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 7 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? country. Once these types of foods become more readily available and affordable for the immigrants in the United States, an increase in the consumption levels would be expected. Lower costs, widespread availability, and the convenience of fast food in the United States appear to be an enticing solution especially for time-strapped immigrant families with children (Lindsay et al. 2009). Qualitative studies among immigrants suggest a more relaxed lifestyle in Mexico versus a very busy lifestyle in the United States that leaves less time to cook or prepare foods. This type of lifestyle makes convenience foods very appealing, and it is likely to result in an increase in fast food consumption (Gray et al. 2005). In addition to the economic conditions related to the food environment, limited socioeconomic abilities of individuals also put immigrants at greater risk for unhealthy food intake patterns and entailing health issues. Higher rates of food insecurity and low SES among minorities and immigrants are likely to force individuals to purchase relatively cheaper and filling, but often nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods (Drewnowski and Darmon 2005). A binational study that was conducted in the United States and Mexico provided support for these eating patterns, and it also pointed out the country- or culture-specific variations in these associations. In the United States sample of this study, children with food insecurity were more likely to consume fat, saturated fat, sweets, and fried snacks compared to their food secure counterparts. In Mexico, however, food insecure (versus food secure) children displayed a different food intake pattern that was characterized by higher intakes of carbohydrates, dairy, and vitamin B6 (Rosas et al. 2009). One of the least studied aspects of the relationship between socioeconomic factors and food intake is the residential context and demographic makeup of the neighborhoods. One of the few studies that examined this context in a mostly Hispanic (but mixed ethnic) sample suggested that greater density of immigrants in residential areas was positively related to fruit and vegetable intake after controlling for individual factors such as age, race/ethnicity, language, country of birth, and education (Dubowitz et al. 2008). Another study also reported that high-fat/processed food intake (fats, oils, processed meats, fried potatoes, salty snacks, desserts) was lower in immigrant-dense neighborhoods even after controlling for SES, demographic factors, and acculturation (Rosas et al.2011). These results indicate beneficial dietary intake patterns for all residents (immigrant or not) residing in that area. Some of the potential factors underlying these results could be resulting from socioeconomic advantages through greater social capital, availability of stores with healthier ethnic food options, and higher consumption of healthier food intake habits, social norms, and values in the ethnically dense neighborhoods (Dubowitz et al. 2008). OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 8 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? Highly acculturated Hispanic adults were more likely to have higher BMIs than their less acculturated counterparts. Similarly, second or third generation Hispanic youths were reported to be more likely overweight than their first generation counterparts (Popkin and Udry 1998). For adults, the difference in the overweight status by acculturation seems to be seen usually in a range of 10 to 21 years of residence in the United States, but interestingly, BMI differences were detectable by age two among less acculturated mothers’ children in a mostly Hispanic sample (Sussner et al. 2009). Some of the mechanisms underlying these findings could be the existence of cultural beliefs that associate overweight status among children with perception of good health (Sussner et al. 2009), failing to recognize overweight status, or acceptance of a larger body size as a desirable body image among Hispanics. Taken together, these cultural preferences can lead to obesity over time with the additional contribution of the typical environment in the United States that stimulates consumption of energy-dense foods and discourages physical activities. Certain food intake patterns (e. g., energy-dense foods) can lead to overweight or obese status as people acculturate. Although a factor analysis of nationally representative data from the NHANES 2001–02 did not indicate a specific dietary intake pattern in relationship to BMI or waist circumference (as measures of overall or central adiposity) among Mexican Americans (Carrera et al. 2007), it is possible that dietary intake might be related to obesity indirectly, or collectively with other lifestyle factors (e. g. , physical activity). It is also possible that the effects might be most pronounced at specific time periods during acculturation. Supporting this potential mechanism is the results from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health indicating that increased probability of overweight, which was related to changes in lifestyle factors (i. e. , screen time, diet), was detectable among first generation Mexican adolescents but not among second (or more) generation participants (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). Although social economic status (SES) is also linked to obesity, this association seems to vary depending on the SES measures used and also by race or ethnicity. For example, in a nationally representative sample of children, both education and income were negatively related to BMI among non-Hispanic whites, but only income was positively related to BMI among Hispanics (Balistreri and Van Hook 2009). As suggested by the authors, increasing education level may be a reflection of changes in knowledge, learning abilities, social class, and personal skills while higher income among immigrants might be an indicator of greater purchasing capacity, which can result in less healthful eating patterns in the absence of adequate nutrition knowledge, skills, and a healthful food environment. SES also seems to have gender-specific and long-term consequences. Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey among adolescents indicated that there was a strong positive association between long-term (persistent) low SES and obesity among females. Among males, however, obesity rates were highest among those who had a socioeconomically disadvantaged beginning but gained autonomy, for example, home ownership later on. Most importantly, the report pointed out that the effect of SES on OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 9 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?obesity was probably initiated before adolescence (Scharoun-Lee et al. 2009). Conclusion: The research has shown that second generation Mexican children are in fact more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts. 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